Will
Public Employee Pension Plans Run Out of Money? (column
- Girard Miller / Governing Magazine)
A new research report using GASB-proposed
metrics reveals risks of "depletion."
BY: Girard Miller | December 8, 2011
With Christmas just around the corner, here's a column that
will surely win me the Pension Grinch of the Year
award for 2011. Don't blame me, however, because I'm just the scribe here. This
column merely highlights the worrisome implications of a new research report by the prolific scholars at Boston College's
Center for Retirement Research, headed by the insightful professor Alicia Munnell.
Munnell's Boston College
(BC) team has studied the implications of proposed governmental accounting
standards on the reported financial condition and funding status of 126 public
pension plans. On the face of it, you'd think this stuff would be about as
exciting as a typical actuarial report's demographic assumptions or the
accounting-basis footnotes to a municipal financial statement. But it contains
an appendix that I predict will have tongues wagging in more than a dozen state
capitols. That's because of an innocuous and easily overlooked column called
the Run-Out Date. That is the calendar year when the pension trust fund
would be projected to literally run out of money under the proposed
governmental accounting standards methodology for evaluating the funding
condition of public pension plans. GASB kibitzers call it the "depletion
date."
Now do I have your attention? Running out of money --
completely -- is a pretty big deal where I come from. That's the pension
equivalent of the collapse of a Ponzi scheme. This is
far worse than Social Security which can at least pay 75 cents on the dollar to
the next generation under its current design.
The BC research study was mostly focused on the implications
of the Governmental Accounting Standards Board's (GASB) proposed standards for
financial reporting, and especially on the funded ratios (assets/liabilities)
of these plans. Their narrative makes it clear they don't really like GASB's proposed method on philosophical grounds. The BC academic
researchers apparently don't like the blended discount rate concept, or at
least its current form. That said, the BC report's primary focus was the ratio
of assets to liabilities -- using what GASB has proposed for a lower discount
rate to be used in valuing the underfunded plans'
actuarial funding status.
But what caught my eye was the unprecedented column of data
showing when the plans are each projected (by the BC researchers, using their
methodology and not anything sanctioned specifically by GASB or the pension
plans) to run out of money if something doesn't promptly change for the better.
Now, that's the kind of information that a whole lot of taxpayer watchdog
groups, wary municipal bond investors, bond ratings agencies, bond counsel, the
Securities and Exchange Commission, the plaintiffs' bar and a host of pension
plan critics would find insightful information.
Don't mistake my reporting for an endorsement. I'm not sure
that the BC researchers' methodologies and calculations are entirely correct at
this point. Some of my actuarial friends tell me that the depletion test is
very hard to flunk if the pension funding policy is properly designed. I don't
have the BC researchers' database -- and the formulas described in their
footnotes outflank my freshman college math and grad-school statistics, quant
methods and econometrics training. But I do know what GASB meant when it
published the term "depletion" in its exposure draft for the proposed
accounting rules -- and I do know what the words "run out" mean.
We're now focusing on the projected (not just potential or possible) exhaustion
of plan assets to pay promised benefits.
Before highlighting the bad news, it is important to note
that a good number -- at least one-third of the public plans in this study --
will clearly not run out of money under the BC researchers' model and show
strong financial capacity beyond the year 2100. So it's very, very important to
avoid over-generalization here. To my mind, the level of variation in results
is really quite remarkable.
It would be simple to just refer my readers to the report
and call it a day. That would be a cop-out, however. Too many readers will
quickly become lost in the statistics and miss the point. So I think this
column will be more likely to encourage a healthy debate about the need for
timely and effective remedies if we list here the major public pension plans
cited in this study as having the
potential to run out of assets to pay their bills within 25 years.
That's about one-fifth of the total group reported. If I were a 45-year-old
public employee in one of these plans, an investor in that state's bonds or a
taxpayer likely to be handed the bill for these deficits, I would want to know
now whether this depletion risk is accurately portrayed by this study. And I
would sure want to know what the public officials responsible for funding and
running these plans are doing to fix them before "D-day" arrives.
Absent a defect in the BC researcher's methods, the burden of proof now
empirically resides with the elected officials and these plans' officials to
show that they have a strategy in place (or at least underway) to put their
house in order. These plans are:
California Teachers; Chicago Teachers; Illinois Teachers;
Illinois SERS; Indiana Teachers; Kentucky County; Kentucky ERS; Kentucky
Teachers; Louisiana Teachers; Minnesota Teachers; Mississippi PERS; Missouri
Local; Montana PERS; Montana Teachers; New Jersey PERS; New Jersey Police and
Fire; New Jersey Teachers; New Mexico PERF; New Mexico Teachers; New York City
Employees; New York City Teachers; North Carolina Teachers and State Employees;
Pennsylvania SERS; Pennsylvania School Employees; South Carolina Police; Texas
LECOS; Washington PERS I; Washington Teachers I; Wyoming Public Employees
Without causing a panic, it's clear that the time has come
for stakeholders, trustees and plan sponsors in these systems to ask
penetrating questions and get to work on solutions -- pronto. That includes the
unions whose members must contribute to the solutions and stop playing the
"not me" entitlement game. This report should be a giant red flag in
those states: This abyss is the result of a decade or more of benign neglect by
all parties at the table. Now, I have no doubt that if capital markets resume
their historical returns, a dozen or more of the plans listed above can
eventually work themselves out of their problems with carefully structured
incremental strategies and shared sacrifices to defeat their unfunded
liabilities. But until they make public their definitive plans and secure the
necessary stabilizing legislation, employer and employee contribution
commitments, and benefits adjustments where inevitably required, that's
"all talk and no cattle" as we say out West.
And please don't get me started about retiree medical
benefits plan (aka OPEB) funding levels. Most OPEB
plans have no reserves put aside whatsoever, and no funding plans. I would
estimate that about three-quarters of those with above-average benefits would
clearly flunk the GASB's proposed depletion tests and
any sensible financial analyst's sustainability analysis -- and will take even
less time to flunk these tests than the pension funds. If this report is not a
wake-up call for retirement plan reform, then I don't know what it will take.
http://www.governing.com/columns/public-money/pension-plans-run-out-money.html
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How Wall
Street Bought the Public Employee Unions (CIV FI)
Earlier this
week, on December 7th, 2011, as reported by the San Jose Mercury, the “San Jose City Council votes 6-5 to place pension reform on
June ballot.”
This plan is
drawing fierce resistance, but there are two financial considerations that most
critics of pension reform don’t take sufficiently into account when making
their arguments:
(1) Pension
contributions are very sensitive to how much the fund can earn. A pension that
earns 3% per year, i.e., allows someone who works for 30 years to retire with a
pension equivalent to 90% of their final salary, will require a 10% increase in
annual required contributions (as a percent of pay) for every 1.0% the earnings
on the pension fund drop. That is, if the contribution to a firefighter’s
pension is currently 35% per year (based on employer and employee contributions
combined), and CalPERS lowers their expected rate of
annual return by just 1.0%, from 7.75% to 6.75%, then the required annual
contribution as a percent of salary goes up to 45% per year.
(2) The rate
of return being currently maintained by most pension funds, 7.75% per year, is
much higher than can be sustained going forward. A key reason for this is
because equity growth over the past 20-30 years, and especially over the last
10-15 years, was fueled by increasing debt. By enabling massive borrowing –
consumer, commercial and government – more consumer spending was in-turn
enabled, which increased corporate profits which increased equity values. Now
global debt has reached its maximum, we are going to deal with slower growth
and hence lower rates of return for pension funds. The other key reason for the
inevitability of lower pension fund returns is demographic. With baby-boomers
now beginning to retire, and with public sector workers now retiring with these
far more generous pension plans (they were only raised about 10 years ago),
there are more people selling equities than ever before in order to finance
retirements. Equity values are a function of supply and demand, and public
sector pensions are going to be doing a lot more selling to finance pension
payouts than ever before. The chances that the major pension funds in the United States
can continue to earn 7.75% year after year are virtually zero.
Pension
reforms such as San Jose Mayor Chuck Reed’s proposal should be supported.
The San Jose proposal may
actually do enough to restore financial solvency to a public employee pension
plan. Eventually raising the employee’s withholding to as much as 25% of their
pay begins to contribute enough money to fund these plans, especially when
combined with accruing benefits at no more than 2.0% per year, and deferring
retirement to age 57 or higher.
Here are a
few questions and answers about public sector pensions:
QUESTION: Aren’t pension
critics, or “reformers,” if you will, trying to ignore the contractual
commitments they made as taxpayers, simply because they become more costly than
originally expected?
ANSWER: Nobody “agreed” to these contracts as they have
turned out. When pension upgrades were sold to politicians by Wall Street
lobbyists they were represented as being nearly free to taxpayers because
market based returns would cover the costs. Politicians didn’t understand the
financial risks and voters were never told about it. To be fair, even the union
leadership had no idea what they were getting themselves into.
Let’s put it
this way – if somebody sold you a car, and said the payments would be $250 per
month, then five years later said the payments would be raised to $1,000 per
month, then five years after that said the payments would be raised to $2,500
per month, would anyone “like” that? And how would the holder of the loan
appear – when they say “a deal is a deal” and try to force you to pay up?
In any
event, opponents of pension reform should review the two financial points made
earlier, because bankruptcy will void these contracts, and bankruptcy is
staring every city and county in California
in the face.
QUESTION: Everyone agrees
that some kind of public pension reform is unavoidable, and that is exactly
what is underway now. But can people who want to change public sector pension
benefits legitimately claim that Chapter 9 is a magic bullet that will suddenly
relieve everyone of the legal obligations that have been made on their behalf
by their elected representatives?
Now that
the bill for pension obligations is coming due, wouldn’t reneging on these
obligations constitute theft?
ANSWER: “Theft” is how public sector unions have
stolen our democracy and “negotiated” these unsustainable pensions with
politicians they elected. Public sector pensions, on average, are five to ten
times better than social security. The arcane and onerous details of pension
obligations were buried in the fine print of these “contracts.” To imply that
taxpayers are somehow the thieves for wanting to reduce pension costs down to
the levels they were originally ignores the sheer scale and generousity
of these financially unsustainable pensions. The 2010 annual reports from CalPERS and CalSTRS document that
the average pension for a newly retired government worker in California after 30
years of work is nearly $70,000 per year. If every Californian over the age of
55 received that much in retirement it would cost $700 billion per year, nearly
40% of the entire GDP of the state! It’s impossible. It can’t go on. It is
oppression and a recipe for economic ruin.
The bottom
line is this – public sector unions and Wall Street are now in bed together,
betting trillions of dollars in the markets with their pension funds, trying to
eke over-market returns through aggressive fund management, with the taxpayers
forced to pay up when they can’t hit their numbers.
From the CalSTRS Annual Report, page 135:
CalSTRS participants who retired during the 12 months
ending June 30th, 2010 (the most recent data), earned pensions as follows:
25-30 years service, average pension $50,772 per year.
30-35 years service, average pension $67,980 per year.
35-40 years service, average pension $86,736 per year.
From the CalPERS Annual Report, page 151:
CalPERS participants who retired during the 12 months
ending December 31st, 2009 (the most recent data), earned pensions as follows:
25-30 years service, average pension $53,182 per year.
30+ years service, average pension $66,828 per year.
QUESTION: Isn’t it true
that the longer someone works in any pension system, the higher their eventual
benefit is likely to be? Doesn’t it work that way with Social Security, up to
the cap?
ANSWER: The social
security cap is about $31K per year after 40+ years of full time work, which
equates to well less than 20% of the payee’s annual income. There is no
cap on public sector pension payments, which are averaging nearly $70K
per year, and they are averaging over 66% of the payee’s annual income, after
only 30+ years of work.
Nearly
everyone in America
was purchasing more than they could afford during the internet/housing bubbles,
but lobbyists hired by public sector unions, alongside lobbyists hired by Wall
Street, are trying to make our politicians enshrine the pension liabilities –
sold by Wall Street lobbyists to union-backed politicians – permanently into
our tax code. And together, Wall Street and public sector unions have made
public sector agencies collection agents for Wall Street. Wall Street hedge
funds now bypass brokerages to manipulate market liquidity and asset values,
and public sector pension funds are the biggest players on Wall Street. This is
a corrupt system and cannot be fixed until taxpayer backed pension funds that
can extract by “contract” 7.75% returns – either from investment returns or
from taxpayers – are dissolved. And why shouldn’t public sector pension funds
be the biggest players on Wall Street? Not only do they control about $4.0
trillion in assets, but they have the full backing of the public sector unions,
the politicians they control throughout America’s states, cities and
counties, and the taxpayers as the final guarantors.
Public
sector pension funds and the social security fund should be all merged into a
single fund, and the combined assets should be systematically moved into either
cash or treasury bills, eliminating the speculators, eliminating most of the
expensive financial bureaucrats of all stripes, and getting the government and
Wall Street out of the business of fleecing taxpayers. And one, uniform and
financially sustainable retirement incentive formula would be offered to ALL
retired American workers, public or private.
For much
more on the benefits and the feasibility of merging all public employee pension
funds with social security, read “Merge
Social Security and Public Pension Funds.”
http://civfi.com/2011/12/10/how-wall-street-bought-the-public-employee-unions/
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Public Employees' Retirement Ages Are Coming Under Greater
Scrutiny (Don Thompson and Julie Carr Smyth / ABC News)
By DON THOMPSON and JULIE CARR SMYTH Associated Press
COLUMBUS, Ohio December 10, 2011 (AP)
After
nearly 40 years in public education, Patrick Godwin spends his retirement days
running a horse farm east of Sacramento,
Calif., with his daughter.
His
departure from the workaday world is likely to be long and relatively free of
financial concerns, after he retired last July at age 59 with a pension paying
$174,308 a year for the rest of his life.
Such
guaranteed pensions for relatively youthful government retirees — paid in
similar fashion to millions nationwide — are contributing to nationwide
friction with the public sector workers. They have access to attractive
defined-benefit pensions and retiree health care coverage that most private
sector workers no longer do.
Experts
say eligible retirement ages have fallen over the past two decades for many
reasons, including contract agreements between states and government labor
unions that lowered retirement ages in lieu of raising pay.
With
Americans increasingly likely to live well into their 80s, critics question
whether paying lifetime pensions to retirees from age 55 or 60 is financially
sustainable. An Associated Press survey earlier this year found the 50 states
have a combined $690 billion in unfunded pension liabilities and $418 billion
in retiree health care obligations.
Maureen Reedy, an elementary instructional specialist who is
contemplating retirement in the face of collective bargaining changes, sits in
a classroom Friday, Sept. 16, 2011, in Columbus, Ohio. The idea that people who
work for the government can retire as early as age 50 and collect retirement
benefits until death is fueling a national debate as states seek to control
spending. (AP Photo/Jay LaPrete) Close
Three-quarters of U.S. public retirement systems in 2008 offered
some kind of early-retirement option paying partial benefits, according to a
2009 Wisconsin Legislative Council study. Most
commonly, the minimum age for those programs was 55, but 15 percent allowed
government workers to retire even earlier, the review found. The study is
widely regarded as the most comprehensive assessment of the issue.
Police
and firefighters often can retire starting even younger — at around age 50 —
because of the physically demanding nature of some of those jobs.
Yet with
cities, counties and states struggling to pay pension bills, changes are afoot.
In
November, San Francisco
voters supported a local ballot initiative to hike minimum retirement ages for
some city workers. Since that time, laws increasing retirement ages for
government workers were signed in Rhode Island
and Massachusetts
in efforts to address underfunded pension systems.
Earlier
in New Jersey,
part of a legislative deal struck between Democrats and Republicans raised the
normal retirement age from 62 to 65.
An
initiative circulating for California's
2012 state ballot seeks to increase the minimum retirement age to 65 for public
employees and teachers, and to 58 for sworn public safety officers.
Godwin
said all the antagonism toward public retirees is misplaced. His pension payout
follows 36 years as an English teacher and school administrator in California, with two
years' sick-leave credit added for never being absent.
He said
lack of accountability on Wall Street and exorbitant corporate salaries are a
more justified target of the public's anger.
"Those
things I think are a much larger problem than what a public employee is making
as a pension," he said. The AFL-CIO labor coalition's Executive PayWatch project estimates chief executives went from
making 42 times the average blue collar worker's salary in 1980 to 343 times as
much last year.
http://abcnews.go.com/US/wireStory/public-retirement-ages-greater-scrutiny-15128540#.TuYVeUoxopQ